The
lightening speed with which India-Pakistan talks have traveled is amusing if
not baffling. Can a less than three-minute conversation between prime ministers
Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharif on the sidelines of the Paris climate summit
change the atmospherics so much that the two countries would agree to composite
dialogue within 10 days? How can a government, which takes offence to Pakistan
high commissioner to New Delhi hosting Kashmiri separatists leading to
cancellation of foreign secretary level talks, take a sudden 360-degree U-turn?
What has happened in between that the Modi government decided to expand the
scope of bilateral dialogue from terror-specific talks? There is something more
to this sudden development which meets the eye. Is there a nudge from some
foreign power? Any guesses? Will the government come clean on it?
Questions
are being asked whether the Indian government has conceded too much and too
soon? Has the government smelt something which others have not? Has Pakistan
created a positive atmosphere warranting a “composite” dialogue? There does not
seem any prevention of infiltration attempts from across the border. Terror
activities continue unabated in Jammu and Kashmir, not to talk about the on-off
border skirmishes.
It
will be interesting to know whether Pakistan has committed to India that it
will look seriously into the concerns of New Delhi. Will it fast-track the 2008
Mumbai blasts trial and bring the guilty to book? Will it not allow its soil to
be used by terrorists whom it continues to shelter at its backyard against
India? Will it take action against people like Hafeez Saeed, who India
considers to be the mastermind of the Mumbai blasts, by arresting him and not
allowing him to spew venom against New Delhi? Why terrorists like Syed
Salahuddin continue to be feted by Pakistan? Will Pakistan stop denying the
presence of Mumbai blasts’ main accused Dawood Ibrahim in its country? These
are some of the crucial issues on which India wanted some progress before
full-fledged talks could be resumed. Has there been any forward movement on any
of the abovementioned issues? India knows the answer best.
Some
of the fundamental questions remain unanswered. All through, Prime Minister
Modi government had been maintaining a very hardline approach vis-à-vis
Pakistan. In fact, it came under criticism for abruptly cancelling the National
Security Advisers meet early this year, for it wanted to discuss terrorism only
while Pakistan was opposed to restricted talks and wanted the scope of the
talks to include Kashmir. In reality, the Modi government was incensed at the
decision of Pakistan’s National Security Advisor Sartaj Aziz to entertain
Kashmiri separatist leaders ahead of the talks. Why the hullabaloo over such a
meeting? In the past, Kashmiri separatist leaders have met Pakistani leaders
whenever they visited India. Pakistan high commission to New Delhi has been
regularly hosting them on Eid. Everybody knows that Kashmiri separatists are
nothing but proxies of Pakistan.
In
fact, Mr. Vajpayee also had a meeting with them while he was trying to find a
peaceful solution to the vexed Kashmir issue in 2009. So, what is the big deal
if they meet any Pakistani leader or any official? Today, the Hurriyat
leadership has lost its relevance in Kashmir as successive state elections have
proved. The participation of people in the elections has increased over the
years despite Hurriyat’s poll-boycott calls. Gone are the days when its writ
used to run in Kashmir Valley. Today, its influence has shrunk to a very few
pockets in the Valley. Moreover, it has been considerably weakened following
numerous splits in the past. Therefore, it hardly matters who they meet?
India-Pakistan relations should not be seen through the prism of Hurriyat.
Is
the sudden volte-face by the Modi government in dealing with Pakistan an
admission of defeat of its policy? The hawkish stand taken by India on Pakistan
since Modi came to power last year has proved to be counter-productive. It
might have increased his standing among his hardcore followers in India but it
certainly did not enhance his position at international level. Modi was
increasingly being seen as a hardline leader wanting to isolate Pakistan while
reaching out to other countries. Has the reality dawned on Modi and his top
bureaucrats that his ambitious plan to enhance regional cooperation will not
materialize as long as India-Pakistan relations remained frosty?
The
fact of the matter is that over the last few months Pakistan’s stakes have gone
up after it facilitated talks between Afghanistan government and the Taliban.
The US and other NATO countries have deep interests in Afghanistan as they want
to pull out of the war-torn country but not before restoring a semblance of
normalcy. Pakistan, which pulls strings of several militant groups, has a
pivotal role in Afghanistan. In fact, the US President Barack Obama has gone on
record praising the role of Pakistan in Afghanistan when Sharif called on him
in Washington in October this year. A joint statement after the meeting said
“President Obama affirmed Pakistan’s role as a key counterterrorism partner and
recognized the sacrifices that Pakistani civilians, military, and law
enforcement personnel have made over the years as they confront terrorism and
militant groups.”
Is
it a mere coincidence that both the countries went into a diplomatic overdrive
after Nawaz Sharif expressed his desire to hold unconditional talks with India
during his meeting with British Premier David Cameron on the sidelines of CHOGM
meeting in Malta last month?
All
said and done, talks had to happen. How long can the two neighbours be at odds
with each other and not on talking terms? There is no other option but to talk
to resolve all issues, no matter how intricate they are. As the then Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee rightly said: “You can change friends, but you
can’t change neighbours”.
Now
that the talks are back on track, it is expected of the leadership of the two
countries to display maturity and not act amateurishly. What has given hope to
the fresh initiative is that it is being backed by Pakistan’s powerful
military. The appointment of Lt Gen. Naseer Khan Janjua as Pakistan’s National
Security Advisor is being seen as a positive development as he comes from army.
It will be difficult for the Pakistani military leadership now to veto any
decision taken during future talks. In the past, Pakistan’s army was seen as a
major obstacle whenever the democratically elected government tried to strike
peace with India. Kargil happened soon after Vajpayee traveled to Lahore and
signed an agreement with Sharif. The agreement between Modi and Sharif in the
Russian city of Ufa was followed with a spurt in infiltration attempts and ferocious
ceasefire violations. One can now hope
there will be no such provocations from either side to derail talks. The talks
must go on.
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